Across the country, Democratic Socialists are no longer content with influencing the Democratic Party—they’re taking it over.
From New York to Colorado, Democratic Socialist and DSA-backed candidates are toppling establishment Democrats and reshaping the party from the inside out. Similar insurgencies have emerged in places like Maine and Michigan, where socialist candidates are challenging the old guard rather than just the Republicans.
Now Wisconsin Democrats are staring down the same possibility.
Most political observers assume Democratic insiders are trying to stop Francesca Hong because they fear she would lose a general election. Given Hong’s support for abolishing police, abolishing prisons, and other positions well to the left of most Wisconsin voters, many Democrats worry she could squander what they believe is a favorable political environment in 2026 while dragging down legislative candidates and jeopardizing hopes of a Democratic trifecta.
There is certainly some truth to that.
But the deeper fear has far less to do with November than it does with what happens afterward.
If Hong wins the Democratic primary, she instantly becomes the face of Wisconsin Democrats. Whether she wins or loses in November almost becomes secondary. She would emerge as the standard bearer for the Democratic Party, and an influential voice who can fundamentally re-shape Democrat politics in the state.
And that changes everything.
Nationally, figures like Zohran Mamdani have become more than candidates—they have become kingmakers, helping organize activists, raise money, recruit challengers, and pressure incumbent Democrats from the left. Democratic insiders increasingly fear Hong could play that same role in Wisconsin.
Establishment Democrats see the direction their party is heading—both in Wisconsin and across the country. And many are increasingly fearful that Democratic Socialism is no longer a fringe movement, but the future of the Democratic Party. And they are terrified that they will lose their position of power in this new-look Socialist Party.
Milwaukee: Ground Zero for a Second Socialist Wave?
If there is one place where Democratic Socialists would likely test their new political muscle, it is Milwaukee.
Hong frequently reminds audiences that “Sewer Socialism” was born in Milwaukee. Nationally, socialist candidates have gained traction in major cities, making urban mayoral races a natural target for future DSA organizing.
Mayor Cavalier “Chevy” Johnson, while hardly a moderate, represents a more traditional establishment Democrat. Willing to work with Republicans on items such as shared revenue or the Brewers stadium funding deal, Johnson portrays his governing style as pragmatic and almost business like. He has already found himself at odds with some of the Democratic Socialists’ priorities, including proposals for a city-owned utility that Hong has embraced but Johnson has dismissed as unrealistic.
Johnson also was heavily involved in bringing the 2024 Republican National Convention to Milwaukee, highlighting the economic benefits and tourism dollars that the convention would bring to the city and state. Democratic Socialists will almost certainly accuse him of selling out the city and “importing fascism” to please his corporate donors.
State Rep. Ryan Clancy would immediately emerge as one of the most obvious possibilities. Clancy helped revive Wisconsin’s socialist caucus in the Legislature, has been one of Hong’s most vocal allies, and has close ties to her campaign organization with his spouse being Hong’s main campaign spokesperson. Another possibility would be Alderman Alex Brower, while Alderwoman Marina Dimitrijevic—though not formally aligned with DSA—shares much of its ideological agenda.
Could County Executive David Crowley Be Next?
Milwaukee County Executive David Crowley could also find himself caught between the Democratic establishment and an increasingly energized socialist wing.
Crowley became one of the first major Wisconsin Democrats to criticize Hong’s appearance on Hasan Piker’s livestream, describing Piker’s past comments as “beyond the pale.” The response from many online supporters of Hong and Piker was swift, filling Crowley’s social media with criticism.
Crowley already survived one bruising ideological primary against former State Sen. Chris Larson in 2020, winning by little more than 1,100 votes. If Democratic Socialists continue gaining influence nationally, another challenge from the party’s left flank no longer seems far-fetched. A rematch with Larson, who is always looking for a higher office to run for, may not be that far off on the horizon.
While Larson has yet to fully embrace the DSA label, his values and legislative record are in lock-step with their priorities and he is very close with Clancy and other members of the Socialist Caucus.
Legislative Primaries Could Become the Next Battleground
The implications extend well beyond Milwaukee.
State Sen. Jodi Habush Sinykin represents one of the Democrats’ most important swing districts after narrowly defeating Duey Stroebel in 2024. Yet she has already taken positions that could put her at odds with Democratic Socialists, including authoring legislation creating a tax carveout for a highly-controversial data center in Port Washington.
Hong has made opposition to large data centers a signature issue of her campaign, even calling for a statewide moratorium. That creates an obvious opening for activists looking to argue that establishment Democrats are too friendly to corporate interests.
Habush Sinykin, who is Jewish, has also voted for legislation such as Wisconsin’s adoption of the IHRA definition of antisemitism, another issue that has divided mainstream Democrats and Democratic Socialists nationally. Anti-Israel and anti-Jewish sentiment has been commonplace in today’s Democratic Socialist movement, which could also come into play in this pivotal State Senate District.
If Wisconsin follows the trajectory seen elsewhere, ideological primaries may become increasingly common—even in districts Democrats can ill afford to lose.
No Democrat Is Automatically Safe
Even longtime progressives could find themselves vulnerable.
Congressman Mark Pocan has spent decades building credibility on the left, and has so far avoided earning the scorn of the Democratic Socialists. Yet recent primaries around the country demonstrate that being progressive is no guarantee of protection from a movement that increasingly views longtime incumbents as part of the establishment.
Colorado provided a stark example when longtime Democratic incumbent Diana DeGette lost to a DSA-backed challenger after years in Congress. Pocan has served in Congress since 2013, and has been in elected office since 1991.
Pocan represents Madison, arguably the epicenter of Wisconsin’s modern Democratic Socialist movement. If DSA activists conclude that it is time for a new generation of leadership, there would be no shortage of potential challengers.
The 2028 Domino Effect
The biggest consequences may not arrive until the next statewide election cycle.
If Sen. Ron Johnson retires, Democrats will almost certainly view the open Senate seat as one of their top pickup opportunities nationally. Conventional wisdom has long assumed that Sarah Godlewski has all but been promised this seat as payment for bowing out of the 2022 Senate Primary, which Mandela Barnes would ultimately earn the nomination. Attorney General Josh Kaul, provided he win a third term this November, would also be well-positioned for a Senate run.
But that assumption depends on the Democratic establishment remaining in control of its own primary.
If Hong emerges as Wisconsin’s most influential Democratic Socialist, she could dramatically reshape those calculations by organizing behind a more ideologically aligned candidate instead. And if Hong and her DSA allies help someone like Alexandria Ocasio Cortez win Wisconsin’s presidential primary instead of someone like Pete Buttigieg, who Democrat Party delegates selected as their top choice at last month’s state convention, that path to victory potentially becomes even more challenging to navigate.
The Establishment Sees the Writing on the Wall
That is why Democratic insiders are working so aggressively to stop Francesca Hong.
This isn’t simply about protecting a favorable gubernatorial map in 2026. It is about protecting control of the Democratic Party itself.
The Democratic establishment is watching socialist candidates gain ground across the country. They have seen what happened in New York. They have seen what happened in Colorado. They understand that once an insurgent movement captures a party’s grassroots infrastructure, reversing that momentum becomes extraordinarily difficult.
Whether Hong ultimately wins or loses this November, Democratic insiders understand that an August primary victory could permanently alter Wisconsin politics. And they also understand that they might be left without a seat at the table.
This is why the Democrat establishment is desperate to stop Francesca Hong from winning this primary. But based on what we’re seeing in primaries across the country, they might be too late.
